The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, also known as the Hart-Cellar Act, impacted the immigration experience for Bolivians in many ways, most significantly prioritizing professionals and families. By the 1980s, large numbers of Bolivian immigrants were coming to the U.S., primarily settling in the Washington metropolitan area.

Figure 1

Source: http://www.countryreports.org/

President John F. Kennedy always felt inclined to introduce immigration reform in the United States because his mother was an Irish immigrant who had a difficult time adjusting to American life.[1] Kennedy never addressed global issues during his first two years in office, but in 1963 he finally formulated his own immigration reform plan that eliminated visas based on national origin quotas.[2] However, Kennedy was killed before he was able to carry out this plan. Fortunately, Lyndon Johnson intended to carry out Kennedy’s plan and introduced his version of Kennedy’s plan.[3] Countries in the Western Hemisphere, however, were exempted from any quota restrictions, but were negatively affected by the LPC and literacy components of American immigration law.[4]

Figure 2: President Johnson signs the Immigration Act of 1965 at the foot of the Statue of Liberty on October 3, 1965.

Source: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/

Bolivian immigrants, who were seeking economic opportunities in the United States, were highly educated, often with college and graduate degrees. The marriage certificate presented in figure 2, between Omar Zoilo Melgares and Juana Ruth Rojas, notes that Melgares had completed collection while Rojas graduated from high school.[5] Julio Duran, who lived in Alexandria in the 1980s, established a Spanish language newspaper to benefit the Latino community. He was a professional journalist who worked in the Washington office for a Bolivian newspaper. A journalist for The Washington Post noted, “Duran said his local paper provides Latin Americans with regional news about such issues as minority business opportunities, immigration law, substance abuse, the arms race and culture.”[6]

Figure 3

Source: Virginia Marriage Certificates, “Omar Zoilo Melgares and Juana Ruth Rojas,” accessed November 7, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com/.

Figure 4

Source: Dianne Saenz, “Va. Man Plans to Bring Life to Latin Beat: Monthly Spanish Paper Started,” The Washington Post, December 18, 1986.  

Bolivian immigrants were different than most other groups coming to the United States in the 1970s to the present, because they were not filing for asylum. They were often well educated, and had skills, which many recognized would benefit the American economy. Once in the United States, Bolivian immigrants created transnational connections and sent important information and money back to Bolivia; many families participated in chain migration, and followed other relatives to the U.S.

[1] Tom Gjelten, A Nation of Nations: A Great American Immigration Story (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2015), 97.

[2] Gjelten, 106.

[3] Gjelten, 114.

[4] Gjelten, 115.

 

[5] Virginia Marriage Certificates, “Omar Zoilo Melgares and Juana Ruth Rojas,” accessed November 7, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com/.

[6] Dianne Saenz, “Va. Man Plans to Bring Life to Latin Beat: Monthly Spanish Paper Started,” The Washington Post, December 18, 1986.

Ethiopian migration to the United States began in the late 20^th-century as the result of civil war and political unrest. [1] The lifestyles of Ethiopian immigrants also had to be altered once they arrived in the United States. Ethiopian immigrants were subjected to “blocked mobility.” One could easily assume whatever job they worked in Ethiopia would transfer to the United States and they would find something in the same field; however, this was (and is) very uncommon. The “blocked mobility” thesis analyzes how immigrants are often forced to create their own jobs because they have been restricted in the host country due to structural or prejudicial reasons.[2] However, some immigrants find entrepreneurship appealing because an accreditation is not required and their language skills do not have to be perfect.[3] It should be noted that not all Ethiopian immigrants became entrepreneurs; some went to college and found jobs in new field, while others faced downward mobility.

Marie Price and Elizabeth Chacko describe the Washington Metropolitan Area as a community where immigrants, especially Ethiopians, built restaurants or took jobs to serve the diverse community, whether that be construction, driving a taxi, social work, or professional services.[4] These occupational interests are seen in the real lives of Ethiopian immigrants in the area today, which we read about in oral histories conducted with Ethiopian refugees who live or work in Alexandria, Virginia. A young Ethiopian immigrant woman, Afomia Wendemagegn, spoke about the downward mobility of her parents’ when they arrived in the United States. In Ethiopia, her mother worked in an office, and her father drove a taxi.[5] However, once they arrived in the United States, both her mother and father worked as servers in a sandwich shop.[6] Her parents most likely became downwardly mobile because of the language barrier.

Therefore, jobs were created by the Ethiopian immigrants because they offered more flexibility. Rhoda Worku immigrated to the United States and enrolled at a college in California in the early 1980s, and then transferred to Northern Virginia Community College.[7] She worked as an accountant for many businesses in Northern Virginia until 2004 when she opened the “Caboose Cafe.”[8] Worku enjoys working for herself, and serving her community. She caters to whatever the community asks in terms of menu items, and she especially enjoys interacting with the neighborhood children, something she may have not been able to do working another job.[9] Entrepreneurship has been a positive experience for Ethiopian immigrants such as Worku.

Rhoda Worku (on the far right) owner of the Caboose Café in Alexandria, Va.

(Photo Courtesy of the Alexandria Gazette Packet)

Downward mobility affects immigrants because of prejudicial or structural issues, eincluding Ethiopians. Wendemagegn’s parents settled with employment at a sandwich shop once they arrived in America. On the other hand, Worku worked hard to build her company from the ground. Other Ethiopian establishments in Northern Virginia include restaurants, beauty salons, fabric stores, clothing stores, and businesses specializing in Ethiopian music.[10] These businesses owned by the Ethiopian immigrants in the Washington Metropolitan area not only bring together the Ethiopian population but also serve the general community.[11] These businesses allow a place to explore Ethiopian traditions and ultimately reject the idea of “blocked mobility” that many immigrants face in the United States.

“Little Ethiopia” in Washington D.C.

(Photo Courtesy of the Ethiopian Times, Online Newspaper)

[1] Jill H. Wilson and Shelly Habecker, “The Lure of the Capital City: An Anthro-Geographical Analysis of Recent African Immigration to Washington, DC,” Population, Space and Place (2008), 433.

[2] Marie Price and Elizabeth Chacko, “The Mixed Embeddedness of Ethnic Entrepreneurs in a New Immigrant Gateway,” Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies (2009), 330.

[3] Marie Price and Elizabeth Chacko, “The Mixed Embeddedness of Ethnic Entrepreneurs…,” 330.

[4] Marie Price and Elizabeth Chacko, “The Mixed Embeddedness of Ethnic Entrepreneurs…,” 332.

[5] Afomia Wendemagegn, “Interview with Afomia Wendemagegn,” Interview by Krystyn Moon, Alexandria.gov (June 4, 2015), 5.

[6] Afomia Wendemagegn, “Interview with Afomia Wendemagegn,” Interview by Krystyn Moon, 6.

[7] Rhoda Worku, “Interview with Rhoda Worku,” Interview by Krystyn Moon, Alexandria.gov (May 20, 2015), 5.

[8] Rhoda Worku, “Interview with Rhoda Worku,” Interview by Krystyn Moon, 7.

[9] Rhoda Worku, “Interview with Rhoda Worku,” Interview by Krystyn Moon, 16.

[10] Elizabeth Chacko, “Ethiopian Ethos and the Making of Ethnic Places in the Washington Metropolitan Area,” Journal of Cultural Geography (2009), 33.

[11] Elizabeth Chacko, “Ethiopian Ethos and the Making of Ethnic Places in the Washington Metropolitan Area,” 33.

In Italy’s Many Diasporas by Donna R. Gabaccia, she writes, “in the years between 1870-1940, three generations of Italy’s poor saw their lives transformed by repeated experiences of migration, life abroad, and return.”[1] Joseph (Guiseppe Fernando) Corsi is an Italian immigrant that left Italy during the “Workers of the World” (1870-1914) time frame of Gabaccia’s book, but breaks the mold because he never returns to Italy.

Corsi was born on December 8, 1903 in Carpineto, Italy just south of Rome.[2] At the age of eighteen,  Corsi left with his older brother from Naples, on the S.S. Dante Alighien, arriving in New York City in 1921. [3]

S.S. Dante Alighien. (Photo Courtesy of www.Woodvorwerk)

New York Passenger Lists 1820-1957. (Courtesy of Ancestry.com)

Gabaccia names New York City as a common place for Italian immigrants to enter and settle in America; however, many moved elsewhere, depending on jobs and family/friends.[4] In 1930, the U.S. Census recorded Joseph Corsi as living in New York City in a home valued at $3,000. [5] Corsi has begun filing his naturalization papers and probably has no intention of returning.[6] Italy’s political climate with the rise of Benito Mussolini combined with the Great Depression, which Europe also experienced, might have impacted his decision to stay.  He was employed as a moulder by the steel foundry. [7]

1930 U.S. Census. (Courtesy of www.Ancestry)

It is unclear why, but by 1935 Corsi moved to Alexandria, Virginia, living at 704 N Columbus Street. This address was located in Ward 3, which is where most of the single Italian immigrants lived in boarding houses. At this point, Corsi was was working as a contracted night watchmen.[8] It can be assumed–because of his living arrangements–that he was not planning to stay in Alexandria.

1940 United States Census (Courtesy of Ancestry.com)

Soon after the 1940 U.S. Census was recorded, Corsi enlisted in the U.S. Navy and began working at the U.S. Naval Air Station, also known as FLloyd Bennett Field, in Brooklyn. Although the United States had not officially entered the war, the country was mobilizing for the inevitable, and Corsi was part of it.[9]

Corsi’s journey after enlisting in the U.S. Navy is difficult to follow; however, based on a marriage certificate in 1948, Joseph Corsi married Martha Lee Vasto in Barbour County, West Virginia.[10] Vasto was born and raised in West Virginia. There is limited documentation following their marriage, and it is unknown exactly where the couple settled for the remainder of their lives.

Muster Roll of the Crew, 1938-1949. (Courtesy of Ancestry.com)

Joseph Corsi was an Italian immigrant on the move. He left Italy after World War I. According to Gabaccia, the rise of fascism pushed many Italians to leave the country.[11] Corsi left his home in southern Italy and lived in New York, Virginia, and possibly West Virginia and probably countless other undocumented places. This particular Italian immigrant seemed to have no intentions of returning to Italy, but pursued American citizenship.

 

 

[1] Donna R. Gabaccia, Italy’s Many Diasporas (Seattle: U of Washington, 2000), 81.

[2] Joseph Fernando Corsi Life Story, 1903-1986, accessed October 10, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com.

[3] New York, Passenger Lists, 1820-1957, accessed October 10, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com.

[4] Donna R. Gabaccia, Italy’s Many Diasporas (Seattle: U of Washington, 2000), 102.

[5] 1930 United States Federal Census, accessed October 10, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] 1940 United States Federal Census, accessed October 10, 2016, http://www.ancestry.com.

[9] U.S. World War II Navy Muster Rolls, 1938-1949, http://ancestry.com.

[10] West Virginia, Marriages Index, 1785-1971, accessed October 10, 2016, http://ancestry.com.

[11] Gabaccia, 153.

English immigration is prevalent in the 19^th century, even in Alexandria, Virginia. Occupations vary among these immigrants and high salaries were not common because agrarian work was the most prevalent job. Therefore an English immigrant grocer claiming thousands of dollars was an interesting find. The 1860 United States Census lists Thomas Davy, a seventy-year old, white, male grocer in Alexandria. Davy was born in England and married to Susan who was born in Virginia.[i] His assets total around $20,000.[ii] It is interesting to discover an English immigrant with that amount of money in Alexandria, living off of a grocery business. The image below names the members of the Davy household: Thomas Davy, M. Lagecubell, Susan Davy, E. Lagecubell, Davy Slave A, and Davy Slave B.[iii]

(Photo Courtesy of Don DeBats, “Voting Viva Voce,” The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, n.d. Web, <http://sociallogic.iath.virginia.edu)

This image also names Davy was an active voter in Alexandria, usually voting for candidates in opposition to the Democrats.[iv] Davy is listed as a dedicated member of the Trinity Methodist church.[v] From his headstone, it is known that he had been a member of the Methodist Church for sixty-three years.[vi] This demonstrates Davy’s dedication to his community; he probably had no intentions of returning to England.

In the 1850 U.S. Census of Alexandria, it names Martha Lugenbille and James Lugenbille, the daughter and son-in-law of Thomas Davy, shown in the image below.[vii]

U.S. Census Bureau, “Alexandria Census 1850.”

James Lugenbille was a thirty-year old white, male born in Massachusetts who was a physician. Lugenbille lived in the home of the Davys.[viii] Lugenbille, however, did not appear on the 1860 U.S. Census for Alexandria. According to his headstone, Lugenbille died on September 22, 1857, but the cause of death is unknown.[ix] His wife Martha remained living in her father’s home, and she acquired all of her husband’s assets as shown in the 1870 U.S. Census for Alexandria inserted below.[x]

U.S. Census Bureau, “Alexandria Census 1870.”

Two more Davy household members listed in the 1870 U.S. Census are, “Caroline Jackson” and “Virginia Jackson.” These women are labeled as “Domestic Servants” and demarcated as “M” meaning of “mulatto.”[xi] Davy was known to own and rent slaves prior to the Civil War.[xii]

English immigrants to the United States in the nineteenth century consisted mostly of farmers operating on land purchased with money brought from England.[xiii] The main goal of these English immigrants was to gain economic independence and expand their wealth.[xiv] The Davys fit this model. Many other English immigrant families working in Alexandria were financially successful in the 19^th century, but the Davy family was especially interesting.

Thomas Davy’s Headstone. (Photo Courtesy of findagrave.com)

Notes

[i] U.S. Census Bureau, “Alexandria Census 1860.”

[ii]Ibid.

[iii]Don DeBats, “Voting Viva Voce,” Search for Individual People in Alexandria (as of 1860), The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, n.d. Web, <http://sociallogic.iath.virginia.edu/node/14?name=Davy+Thomas&sex=&race=&bg=&data_set=alex_people&contains=1>.

[iv]Ibid.

[v] Ibid.

[vi] Brian S., “Thomas Davy (1791-1876),” Find a Grave , N.p, 7 Jan. 2015, Web, http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=141033263.

[vii] U.S. Census Bureau, “Alexandria Census 1850.”

[viii] Ibid.

[ix] Brian S., “James Lugenbille (1819-1857),” Find a Grave, N.p, 7 Jan. 2015, Web, http://www.findagrave.om/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=141033263.

[x] U.S. Census Bureau, “Alexandria Census 1870.”

[xi] Ibid.

[xii] Don DeBats, “Voting Viva Voce,” Search for Individual People in Alexandria (as of 1860), The Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, n.d. Web, <http://sociallogic.iath.virginia.edu/node/14?name=Davy+Thomas&sex=&race=&bg=&data_set=alex_people&contains=1>.

[xiii] Charlotte Erickson, Invisible Immigrants: The Adaption of English and Scottish Immigrants in Nineteenth-century America (Coral Gables, FL: U of Miami, 1972), 25.

[xiv] Ibid, 27.